White Like Me – Tim Wise

The author is a prominent anti-racist activist, writers, and educators. He has spent the past 25 years lecturing to audiences in all 50 states, on over 1000 college and high school campuses. He has trained teachers, corporate employees, non-profit organizations and law enforcement officers in methods for addressing and dismantling racism in their institutions. He probably has the strongest credentials of any antiracist activist in the United States.

White Like Me is a unique book in that much of it reads like a personal memoir; other parts are like a series of essays on institutional racism in American society. The author discusses his own personal life growing up in Tennessee in a working class white family. He traces his family roots back through several generations, including ancestors who were wealthy land owners and slave holders. He discusses how his personal whiteness gave him advantages in school and college that were denied or just not available to black and brown people.

Mr. Wise examines the ways in which racial privilege shapes the daily lives of white Americans in every realm: employment, education, housing, criminal justice, and elsewhere. Using stories from his own life and professional experience, the author demonstrates how racism not only burdens people of color, but also benefits, in relative terms, those who are “white like him.” He discusses how racial privilege can even harm whites in the long run and make progressive social change less likely.

He explores and refutes the various denial mechanisms white people use to justify their inaction and/or the preservation of the status quo on racial relations: slavery and racial abuse happened a long time ago and we need to move on; white people today shouldn’t be held responsible for what was done generations ago; anyone can “make it” if they just work hard; black people are just looking for handouts so they don’t have to work. Perhaps one of the more juvenile denial arguments is to point to successful black celebrities or professionals like Oprah or Colin Powell as proof that racism does not exist.

Mr. Wise also dedicates a chapter to strategies for white people to use in recognizing and confronting racism. He discusses at some length the subtleties of some racist behavior and how to deal with it. He even shows how well-meaning antiracists can frequently unknowingly collaborate in racist behavior.

This book is well worth the read if you are an antiracist, or even if you don’t necessarily recognize that racism is still an integral part of our American society today. The single criticism I have is that the author did not include a notes section. Though he specifically declared his intent not to be “statistical”  he could have, and in my opinion should have, listed studies that he broadly referenced but without naming them. I was actually familiar with studies that illustrated his points in some cases. But I think a specific list of the ones he was referencing would have been helpful in re-enforcing his credibility and the points he was making.

The Uninhabitable Earth:  Life After Warming – David Wallace-Wells

Wallace-Wells is an American journalist who is a contributing writer and deputy editor for New York Magazine. He also writes for the Guardian. In recent years he has focused his research and writing primarily on the science and the societal impact of climate change. He calls himself an optimist, but this book paints a very dark portrait of climate change and its impact on human civilization.

In the first section of the book the author sets the stage for a reality check. He lays out in general terms what global warming and associated climate change will mean to the world’s population. He discusses the United Nations’ Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) assessment of the state of the planet and the likely trajectory of climate change. He reviews the goal of the Kyoto Protocol and the Paris Accords of limiting global warming to less than 2 degrees celsius and makes the point that we have made no progress in achieving that goal.

In the second section of the book the author dedicates 12 chapters to analysis of specific climate impacts of global warming by 2 or more degrees celsius. In that section he dedicates his discussion to the scientifically based predictions of death and displacement of people that will result from climate change. He commits one chapter each to describing the chaos, death and disruption of humanity:  from extreme heat;  hunger; drowning; wildfires; severe weather phenomenon (hurricanes, tornados, typhoons); loss of fresh water; dying and rising oceans; unbreathable air; plagues; economic collapse; climate conflict; and finally what he calls “systems” (mass migrations by perhaps as many as a billion people and the likely associated general breakdown of society).

In the third section of the book the author discusses how we tend to kid ourselves about the crisis we are facing. He says we have been telling ourselves stories about imminent apocalypse for centuries; we are now conditioned to feel like it is just crying wolf. Also we tend to believe that our capitalist and technologist society can ward off any catastrophe once it is fully identified. The other issue is that we are a consumption society and hate to be inconvenienced by adjusting our behavior to address an issue as nebulous as climate change.

The author is careful to explain that the best climate scientists simply don’t know how global warming will play out. The feedback loops from warming are so complex that it is impossible to predict specifically what, where, and when catastrophe will strike. Also it is not at all clear what humans may do to mitigate climate change. There are only two thing they seem to all agree on:  1) it is now virtually impossible to limit global warming to 2 degrees celsius, which is and has been for the last 25 years the point at which scientists say global warming will become a climate catastrophe; and 2) life on the earth because of climate change will become much more challenging, dangerous, and chaotic than it is now regardless of what we do; it will only be less bad if we do something than if we do nothing.

This book is well researched and the sources are carefully documented, but it is not one for the faint of heart. If you are a climate change or science denier this book is not for you; likewise if you are a white evangelical who subscribes to the likes of televangelist and Trump adviser Robert Jeffress (he claims that it is absurd to think that God would allow human beings to impact earth’s climate) you won’t believe it. On the other hand if you want to lean what human life is likely to be in another 50 years as a result of global warming I encourage you to explore what this author and his sources have to say. One down side of this book is the authors writing style. He uses very long and complex sentence structures which make it hard and tiring to read. Regardless, it is worth sticking with it to the end.

BELEIVE ME: The Evangelical Road to Donald Trump – John Fea

John Fea is a professor of American history; he is also a practicing evangelical Christian. He takes the title of his book, “Believe Me”, from one of Trumps most commonly used expressions. Whether it is about building a wall or claiming he is protecting Christian heritage, and in spite of his disdain for the truth that refrain has been constant. And to most Americans’ surprise 80% of white evangelical Christians believed him; they likely were the constituency that put him in the White House.

The author tracks the history of white American evangelical Christianity from the mid-seventeenth century when Puritans first arrived, through the rise of Donald Trump. The central theme he proposes is that throughout that entire time period fear has been the key driver of these generations of white evangelical Christians. Universally they seem to have always longed for society to remain static and see any signs of social or political progress as something to be feared.

Professor Fea argues that the embrace of Donald Trump is the logical outcome of this long-standing white evangelical approach to public life which is defined by the politics of fear, the pursuit of governmental power, and the nostalgic longing for an America that has passed, or never existed to begin with.

The author contrasts the civil rights movement with the militant white evangelical rhetoric we hear from those vying for political power today, individuals like Jerry Falwell Jr, Robert Jeffress, and Paula White, to name just three. The civil rights movement was about people of color demanding to be treated equally; the current white evangelical movement seems to be about demanding that everyone else yield to those white evangelicals’ right to manipulate the federal government to fit their agenda and belief system. In short they have abandoned the tenets of their faith in favor of political influence. The author observes that that has not worked well so far; and he speculates that a “faithful presence” might be a better strategy than casting aside Christian values to gain a “seat at the table” of political power.

I believe the author sincerely recounts the history of the white evangelical movement and its presence today. I appreciate his observations from a historian’s perspective. I do not share his “fear” explanation for that history, however. I grew up in that dysfunctional religious environment. From my personal experience I think white evangelical Christians, as a class, are driven more by intolerance than fear. In many case, as exemplified by the likes of Robert Jeffress and other powerful national white evangelical leaders, they tend to fan the flames of division, separation, and hate to advance political objectives.

Fair Shot:  Rethinking Inequality and How We Earn – Chris Hughes

Chris Hughes is one of the founders of Facebook. Through his own experience he came to conclude that hard work mixed with a very large measure of pure luck can produce a few ultra-wealthy individuals nearly overnight. He believes that the same forces that made Facebook possible, however, make it harder for everyone else in America to make ends meet. I read this book when it was first published a couple of years ago; I decided to re-visit and reconsider his perspective in light of the our current economic reality.

Since leaving Facebook the author has studied poverty and financial insecurity mitigation programs around the world, especially in underdeveloped countries. He has learned what works and doesn’t work in addressing the issues. He thinks the successful programs he has seen overseas would work equally well if adapted for the US. To that end this book focuses on economic inequality in the US and how he suggests we address it. He has also personally committed to invest all of his own vast wealth during his life time in programs that actually demonstrate significant, effective, and efficient progress in eradicating poverty.

To help Americans who are struggling, Hughes proposes a simple, bold solution:  provide a guaranteed income for working people. The source of funds to pay for such a plan is taxation of the wealthiest one percent of Americans. According to the author a guaranteed income is the most powerful tool we have to combat poverty and stabilize America’s middle class. Cash distributed with no strings attached gives people the freedom, dignity, and ability to climb the economic ladder, he says.

The author distinguishes his proposal from universal basis income (UBI) in that in his proposal only working people would be eligible. He does suggest though a broader definition of working people to include unpaid caregivers and adult students. His proposal also includes a gradual phase out as total income rises. Probably the best part of the proposal is that it utilizes and builds on the already existing framework of the Earned Income Tax Credit (EITC).

The final point is that his basic concept is not new, but has been promoted in various forms for decades by both conservatives and liberals. He sites a number of pilot programs, some going on now, testing the efficacy of the approach. Virtually all these programs show the fears that people would not work, but would spend the money on alcohol, gambling, tobacco, or other vices are unfounded. People know best what will improve their lives and that is how they send the money. Getting the political will to implement his proposal is the real problem with the idea. I encourage everyone to read this book and participate in a dialogue about the concept.

Why We’re Polarized – Ezra Klein

Author Klein is editor-at-large and cofounder of VOX, the “explanatory” news organization. For those not familiar with that term, it means current news stories presented within their broader context. Klein uses that contextual approach to explain why we as a nation are so politically polarized and what we might do to mitigate it.

The first half of the book tells the story of how and why American politics polarized around identity in the twentieth century and what that polarization did to the political process. The second half is about the feedback loops that continue driving our political system toward destruction.

Mr. Klein describes the middle of the twentieth century as a time when the two parties were not identifiable as liberal and conservative but simply Democrats and Republicans. He shows that many Democrats at that time were much more conservative when it came to national governance than Republicans generally, and similarly that there were many Republicans more liberal than Democrats generally as well. That made compromise possible. The editorials at the time complained that there was simply no difference in the parties.

As the author explains, that all changed in the middle ‘60s, first with the 1964 nomination of Barry Goldwater for president by the Republicans; he declared he would, and then did, run a strongly ideological campaign focused on conservative principles. That was followed after Johnson won re-election with civil rights legislation initiated by a Democratic President; those two events forever created an ideological divide between the parties. Once conservative and liberal identities were established in the parties the two have been moving ever further apart ideologically since.

The author does a good job of describing how these political identities have polarized how we see the world in general as well as each other. He traces the feedback loops between polarized political identities and polarized political institutions that are driving our system of governance toward crisis. In the last chapter of the book he offers some suggestions about how we might mitigate the damage and change the trajectory of this politicly destructive path, like:  doing away with the Electoral College; establishing ranked choice voting for members of Congress; ending the Senate filibuster rule; giving Washington DC and Puerto Rico representation in Congress; reforming the Supreme Court to eliminate political bias.

I strongly recommend the book for anyone who wants a better understanding of how we got to where we are. The optimist in me wants to believe that our younger generations will be wiser and more willing to compromise for rational national governance and the economic prosperity of our republic. Sadly though, my realist side came away wondering if we as a nation have the will to do what it takes to save our democracy.

The Green New Deal – Jeremy Rifkin

The author defines the concept of the proposed Green New Deal in fairly specific terms. He makes the case that whether politicians like it or not market forces are already making it happen, though not fast enough. He calls this epoch “The Third industrial Revolution” and says it will fundamentally change humanity.

Rifkin says that while it has become a political lightning rod the business community is also already moving to implement the Green New Deal in ways that will change the very foundation of the global economy. He claims that key sectors of business and industry are rapidly decoupling from fossil fuels in favor of ever-cheaper solar and wind energies. That will lead to trillions of dollars of fossil fuel assets being stranded and the collapse of the fossil fuel civilization. He forecasts that will likely occur roughly in the 2028 timeframe.

While I am suspicious of his optimistic timetable, the author has 25 years of experience in advising both the European Union and the Republic of China on transitioning away from fossil fuels. According to Rifkin the European Union has actually been implementing an EU-wide transition away from carbon based energy for more than a decade; their initiative is called the Green Deal, and was endorsed and authorized by all 28 member nations. Similarly, the Republic of China has been implementing its own transition as a key element of the 2012 and all future 5 year plans. China’s initiative is called an “ecological civilization”. The EU and China are engaged in cooperative efforts with each other and are well ahead of the United States in transitioning to a post-carbon era.

In the latter part of the book Rifkin outlines what the character of the third industrial revolution will look like, how much it might cost, and how it can be funded. He makes the point that this transition will fundamental change communications technologies, energy, transportation, as well as how residential and commercial buildings are constructed for energy efficiency.

The author envisions transition to a post-carbon era within the coming 20 years. I understand his enthusiasm, logic, and sense of urgency. I do think though that the funding specifically will be more of a challenge than he seems to think. I recommend his book as a source for promotion of further rational discussion.

The Nation City – Why Mayors are now Running the World – Rahm Emanuel

As the name implies the author makes the case that nation states have generally failed to meet the needs of citizens, and that cities under good mayoral leadership are filling the void. He uses Chicago during his two terms as one example.

In the first chapter the author discusses his education initiatives, how when he became mayor Chicago had the shortest school day and year of any large city in the country, with the result being some of the poorest student and school performance as well. He discusses in some detail how Chicago dramatically improved its education system and student performance. This part of the book is worth the time even if you read no other chapter.

The central theme of the book, however, is how cities rather than the federal government have become the center of innovation, public trust and effective governance. The author calls attention not only to Chicago but to what other mayors across the country and around the world are doing to improve the lives of their constituents. He shares examples of how mayors are dealing with urban development issues, the climate challenge, and pollution mitigation and clean up. He dwells some on how cities are creating positive and healthy environments for residents to live, work, and play. Green spaces, water front and riverwalk projects, as well as environmentally friendly economic and commercial development are all critical parts of that equation.

Emanuel proves through multiple examples how local government makes significant change for the better. Using evidence from cities large and small with Republican and Democratic mayors he demonstrates how cities are filling the vacuum left by a dysfunctional federal government. He argues that cities are the most ancient political institutions, dating back thousands of years, and they have reemerged as the nation-states of our time. He says that is specifically because mayors are held more accountable to their own constituents than any other elected officials.

I have not been a particular fan of Rahm Emanuel, so I was initially skeptical of his story. However upon my own investigation, most of what he say appears to actually be true. I whole heartedly recommend his book.

What Would the Founders Do? – Richard Brookhiser

The author poses a series of contemporary political questions and then attempts to discern how the founding fathers might have responded. This book was published in 2006, before the Trump era so it does not address the current impeachment or general political crisis we are facing. It does however address a number of subjects that have become much more hyper-partisan under the Trump Administration – free press, religion, abortion, immigration, free trade, etc.

The author covers a wide range of issues such as God and man, money and business, war and peace, education, race and identity, as well as other political challenges. He attempts to describe the world in which the founders lived, what their experiences were, how that played into forming their worldview, and how they might approach the issues we face. He does a good job of describing their lives within the historical context of the times. He discusses how that influenced the issues, structure, and language of the Constitution.

I endorse the book as a good and thought provoking read. It represents a clear description of the hopes, fears, conflicts, and compromises the founders wrestled with in their daily lives and the drafting of a constitutional document. It makes very clear they feared exactly the kind of political conflict and the potential for a president who might abuse the power of his office we are dealing with. Of course they could not imagine the kind of coordinated media manipulation and misinformation campaign that is possible, and in deed being exploited, by our president and other unscrupulous politicians today.

AI Super-Powers – China, Silicon Valley and the New World Order – Kai-Fu Lee

The author is a world class authority on artificial intelligence (AI) with substantial professional training and experience in both the United States and China. He argues that unprecedented developments in AI will bring about dramatic changes in the world’s social order. And he says that is going to happen much faster than many believe.

The author defines the United States and China as the world’s 21st century AI super-powers. He identifies the four main building blocks that these countries posses that make them AI super-powers:  abundant data, tenacious entrepreneurs, well-trained AI scientists, and a supportive policy environment. In his view no other countries are currently, or in the foreseeable future, likely to be able to challenge their technological power in AI leadership. Therefore, he says China and America have great responsibility for the societal disruption that is coming with their significant power in driving an AI revolution. 

The author makes the case that the AI revolution is fundamentally different from any previous technological developments during the industrial age, including the steam engine and electrification. He predicts it will cause previously unknown levels of disruption of the economic and social fabric of society throughout the world. His estimate is that within the next decade or so 40% to 50% of current jobs in the US could be replaced by AI systems, which if unplanned for and/or improperly managed will likely destabilize society in general. According to the author, AI adaptation is coming in 4 waves: internet AI; business AI; perception AI; and autonomous AI, all of which he describes in detail. He also discusses the relative strengths of the US and China in each of these areas.

The author offers his view of how governments, businesses, and people should respond to these changes to protect society as a whole. Whether you are conservative or liberal, economist or technologist, blue collar or white collar you should read this book or another volume on the subject of AI so you have some idea of what may face us soon.

A Warning – Anonymous

The author claims to be a senior official in the Trump White House. She/he writes a first person account of experiences in the Administration and quotes liberally from similar experiences shared by others.

I will not try to characterize the book. You just need to read it and draw your own conclusions. There is probably nothing in it though that those of us who follow the insanity that is the Trump Administration wouldn’t expect. If true, it does give a “nuts and bolts” day to day glimpse into the crazy lives of officials and aides trying to manage Trump and hold the executive branch of the government together.

The question everyone asks is “who is the author”. After reading the book my daughter concluded that the writer is probably not a single person but perhaps three, maybe Dan Coats being one. I share her view that it is probably not one person though I won’t speculate on whose stories are being told.

My guess is that the author is a “ghost writer,” probably a political historian who has access to, and the trust of, multiple high level officials currently in and/or having been in the Administration. My assessment is based on both style and substance:  the author writes like an historian; and she/he provides substantial detail of interactions. If the author were a single person in the Administration engaged in all the activities described, I think it would be easy for the White House to figure out which official was a party to all those discussions, meetings, and events.

Can’t wait for the author to reveal herself/himself. She/he claims that will happen before the 2020 election